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House-Rent
Parties
Although
house-rent parties once flourished in the black neighborhoods
of Chicago, Detroit, Washington D.C., and other cities, they have
become most closely associated with Harlem. During the 1920s and
1930s (and even into the 1940s), such parties formed the backbone
of Harlem nightlife, and became for many working people not only
an enjoyable and affordable way to dance and socialize but also
an economic necessity. For the reasonable admission price of between
ten cents and a dollar, plus the cost of liquor and food, guests
could dance, drink, flirt, and gamble, while the hosts collected
enough money to pay the landlord for another month.
The house-rent
party evolved out of traditions that were several generations
old by the beginning of the Harlem Renaissance. Since the late
nineteenth century, African-American families in the rural south
had enjoyed Saturday night barbecues and fish fries, complete
with music and dancing, at events called "frolics" or
"breakdowns." By the turn of the twentieth century,
African-Americans in southern cities were throwing dance parties
expressly to raise money. Dozens of couples would cram into tiny
apartments, and the sometimes painful results of dancing in such
confined spaces led to the term "shin-digs" to describe
these events, though they were also referred to as "stomps,"
"boogies," "breakdowns," "skiffles,"
"scuffles," "struggles," "shake-me-downs,"
"chitterling rags," and "struts."
African-Americans
who came north during the great migration brought with them their
fondness for a good shin-dig. This social custom served them well,
for instead of finding plentiful and profitable work in northern
cities, many migrants instead found relentless economic exploitation
by employers, landlords, and merchants. Wages for black workers
were disproportionately low in New York, and rents in Harlem were
exorbitantly high. Limited economic options forced residents of
Harlem to find creative ways to supplement their income, and so
many families transformed the southern shin-dig into the modern
house-rent party.
To prepare
for a rent party, hosts would clear all furniture (except for
the piano) from the front rooms of the apartment, take up the
rugs, replace regular lightbulbs with more sensuous colored ones,
and sometimes rent folding chairs from a local undertaker. Some
hosts would even hire "home defense officers" (HDOs),
to bounce unwelcome guests and squelch incipient brawls. The highlight
of any rent party was the music, often provided by a single piano
player, a series of pianists, or even a three-or four-piece musical
ensemble. Well-known pianists such as "Fats" Waller,
James P. Johnson, and Willie "the Lion" Smith regularly
made the rounds at rent parties, where musicians competed in "cutting
contests" to determine who was the most talented. Bootleg
liquor, usually homemade corn whiskey (called "King Kong")
or bathtub gin, was sold by the pint or in quarter-pint portions
called "shorties." For an additional price, guests could
purchase southern-style meals that usually included some combination
of hoppin' John, fried chicken, fried fish, chitterlings, mulatto
rice (rice and tomatoes), gumbo, chili, collard greens, potato
salad, and sweet potato pone. The party would often last until
dawn, or until someone summoned the Black Maria (the police patrol
wagon) to break it up.
In order
to attract a large number of paying guests, hosts advertised their
parties using "rent party tickets." Often, they enlisted
the help of the "Wayside Printer," a middle-aged white
man who walked the streets of Harlem with his portable press.
For a modest fee, he stamped the party information onto tickets
about the size of a business card. Interestingly, these tickets
always identified rent parties using such terms as "Social
Party," "Social Whist Party," "Parlor Social,"
or "Matinee Party." Other, less elevated terms included
"Too Terrible Party," "Boogie," and "Tea
Cup Party." Tickets often incorporated popular slang phrases,
lyrics from current songs, or bits of poetry. One ticket from
1927 implored: "Save your tears for a rainy day, / We are
giving a party where you can play / With red-hot mammas and too
bad She-bas / Who wear their dresses above their knees / And mess
around with whom they please." Another reasoned: "You
Don't Get Nothing for Being an Angel Child, So You Might As Well
Get Real Busy and Real Wild."
Hosts would
distribute these tickets to friends, neighbors, and even strangers
on the street corner. Sometimes, hosts targeted a specific population,
such as Pullman porters, interstate truck drivers, or black tourists.
Other hosts simply tucked the tickets into elevator grilles or
apartment windows. Drumming up a good crowd was important, for
competition was fierce; as many as twelve parties in a single
block and five in an apartment building, simultaneously, were
not uncommon in Harlem during the 1920s. Although rent parties
raged every night of the week, the most popular evening was Saturday,
since most day laborers were paid on Saturday and few had to work
on Sunday. The next favorite party night was Thursday, when most
sleep-in domestic workers were off-duty. The only population generally
not invited to rent parties was white people. During Prohibition
(1920-1933), any white man in Harlem could potentially be a revenuer
or a cop who would certainly appreciate the opportunity to raid
a rent party for violating liquor laws, or to extort money from
the hosts in order to keep them out of jail. But even without
that threat, black hosts seldom welcomed the presence of unfamiliar,
inquisitive white people in their homes.
During the
Harlem Renaissance, house-rent parties essentially amounted to
a kind of grassroots social welfare. However, their general atmosphere
was far more sordid than the average neighborhood block party.
Frequently, back rooms were reserved for gambling or drug use,
and sometimes hosts would offer the private use of the back bedrooms
to couples for a price. Before long, gangsters and small-time
racketeers had also entered the rent-party business, staging nightly
parties that served as a front for their more illegitimate business
ventures. Not surprisingly, a number of Harlem residents were
ashamed of or appalled by rent parties, especially those who firmly
believed in the immorality of jazz, liquor, and gambling. Certain
black intellectuals and writers also scorned these gatherings,
believing that such rowdy displays of passion and intemperance
reflected poorly on the black race. No accounts of rent parties
appear in the works of Jessie Fauset, Nella Larsen, or W. E. B.
Du Bois, for instance; and in his sociological description of
Harlem, Black Manhattan (1930), James Weldon Johnson simply
ignores them. We do, however, get enthusiastic depictions of rent
parties in the works of Langston Hughes, Wallace Thurman, and
Claude McKay.
Kathleen
Drowne
See also:
Hughes, Langston; Johnson, James P.; McKay, Claude; Smith,
Willie "the Lion"; Thurman, Wallace; Waller, Thomas
"Fats"
Further
Reading
Anderson,
Jervis. This Was Harlem: A Cultural Portrait, 1900-1950.
New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1981.
Byrd, Frank.
"Rent Parties." In A Renaissance in Harlem, ed.
Lionel C. Bascom. New York: Avon, 1999.
Hughes, Langston.
The Big Sea. New York: Hill and Wang-Farrar, Straus and
Giroux, 1997. (Originally published 1940.)
Oliver, Paul.
Blues Fell This Morning: Meaning in the Blues. Cambridge
and London: Cambridge University Press, 1990. (Originally published
1960.)
Osofsky,
Gilbert. Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto- Negro New York, 1890-1930,
2nd ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1971.
Ottley, Roi.
New World A-Coming. New York: Arno and New York Times,
1968.
Reid, Ira
DeA. "Mrs. Bailey Pays the Rent." In Ebony and Topaz:
A Collectanea, ed. Charles S. Johnson, in The Politics
and Aesthetics of "New Negro" Literature, ed. and
intro. Cary D. Wintz. New York and London: Garland, 1996.
Schoener,
Allon, ed. Harlem on My Mind: Cultural Capital of Black America,
1900-1968. New York: Random House, 1968.
Watson, Steven.
The Harlem Renaissance: Hub of African-American Culture, 1920-1930.
New York: Pantheon, 1995.
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